Scars of victory

Robic Upadhayay

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The words “WE WON” spray-painted on the outer wall of Singha Durbar, the administrative centre of Nepal

I belong to a generation born into instability. As a Gen Y Nepali, my childhood unfolded during the civil war—what the Maoists called “The People’s War”. Yet, in Kathmandu, we felt more or less cocooned. The war reached us mostly through bedroom TVs and morning newspapers. Conflict, for us, was both near and distant; fear hung in the air, but the bullets and bombs fell elsewhere. This uncertainty conditioned my generation to overvalue stability. Even as corruption hollowed the state and dysfunction became normal, we clung to the illusion of order. We wanted change, but never enough to risk dismantling the status quo.

The younger generation refused that compromise.

On 8 September 2025, young Nepalis flooded the streets. Outraged by corruption and the viral #NepoBabies trend (highlighting the lavish lifestyles of the children of the political elite) on TikTok, encouraged by the revolutions in Indonesia, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, and fueled by the government’s attempt to silence dissent with a social media ban, students organised themselves with the aid of Virtual Private Networks (VPNs) and sheer determination. Within twenty-four hours, the home minister had resigned, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli was forced out, and Kathmandu was burning.

I was there, standing with them on the first day of the protests. Though I was not of their generation, I felt like I had to express my solidarity in person.

The victory rally after all the state mechanisms had collapsed and the army was preparing to take over until the interim government was formed.

Nepal sometimes feels like a country stuck on repeat. We’ve lived through the royal massacre in 2001, the Maoist insurgency through the 1990s and early 2000s, the devastating earthquake of 2015, the unofficial Indian blockade that lasted almost two years, the abolition of the monarchy, and the halting transition into a federal republic.

Many upheavals left a trail of devastation. Each time, we dusted ourselves off with a familiar mantra: “Nepal will rise again.” It feels like a kind of toxic positivity; a refusal to process grief or anger fully. We restart from ground zero every decade or so, stuck in a cycle we never break.

It’s hard not to be reminded of George Orwell’s Animal Farm: the sense of revolution turning into repetition, power recycling itself, the people left to rebuild once again.

This time, I really hope it’ll be different. This time, the very young are at the wheel. Born into the internet age, this generation has tools we never had—access to information, networks of solidarity, and the clarity to call corruption what it is. If anyone can break the cycle, it’s them. This is the hope our whole nation clings to.

There’s a line from a Nepali poem I grew up with: “In an age, a day comes once. Reversal, upheaval, alteration it brings.”

That day was 9 September.

By morning, Kathmandu was in turmoil. Violent clashes in some police stations, others abandoned by personnel fleeing for their lives. Law enforcement infrastructure was smashed, and several thousand convicts—including those guilty of heinous offences—escaped from prisons across the country. Complete anarchy, which I’ve only seen in dystopian books and movies.

The destruction unfolded in parallel across the physical and digital worlds. People were glued to their smartphones, refreshing endlessly. Every scroll brought either a video of a young protester shot by the police, another building or politician’s residence going up in flames, or yet another rumour impossible to verify. TikTok—one of the few platforms not banned—became a theatre of revolution, as though the uprising itself was being livestreamed in real time.

After Singha Durbar (which literally translates to ‘the Lion’s Palace’)—the country’s main administrative hub and, for many, a symbol of oppression—was set ablaze, the mob spilled into the neighbouring government complexes: the Supreme Court, the Nepal Bar Council, the Department of Roads, the District Court. Vehicles were smashed and overturned, windows shattered, furniture dragged out and set alight, the flames then turned on the very walls of history. Whatever could be carried was looted, pocketed as twisted souvenirs of the chaos.

By then, the prime minister had already resigned, and the Gen Z organisers had disbanded the movement. It no longer looked like a youth-led uprising. Some people, brandishing firearms seized from the police and the Armed Police Force, took charge of the streets on motorbikes and looted vehicles. It was no longer protest; it was pandemonium.

I was outside the Ministry of Health and Population when the first oxygen cylinders began exploding inside the burning building. Each blast hammered the air and my chest. In that moment, despair felt heavier than victory… and then, unexpectedly, came a counterpoint. A cry rose from near the National Archives: citizens were forming a human chain to protect priceless documents. “We can’t let them erase our history,” someone shouted. I rushed to join them, speaking briefly with those holding the line. Amid the smoke and destruction, there was resolve. It reminded me that in every revolution, there are those who burn and those who preserve.

By the end of this upheaval, seventy-four people, including three police officers, had been killed. More than 2,000 were injured and around 125 were in critical condition across the country.

That week was a battle of sanity against insanity.

I saw families mourning at Pashupatinath as funeral pyres burned for teenagers and students killed by police. I met survivors whose shattered bones carried proof the state continued to deny. I saw mobs ransack the Supreme Court, Parliament reduced to rubble, and police stations burnt to ashes.

Yet I also witnessed candlelight vigils at Maitighar and other major city squares, murals painted in memory of the fallen, and citizens stepping forward to defend the fragile memory of the nation.

It was an emotional rollercoaster; rage and grief, despair and hope—all tangled together.

The violence ebbed as suddenly as it had erupted. Within days, Nepal had its first woman prime minister, Sushila Karki. A week after her swearing-in, Kathmandu was quiet again; scarred, but breathing. The national conversation quickly shifted from the streets to the corridors of power: who would claim which ministerial portfolio, and whether an impartial election could truly be held within six months.

For my generation, this uprising was a reckoning. Nepal had felt like a ticking time bomb for the past few years. The blitzkrieg-style revolution showed us what we’d failed to do, and what the next generation refused to accept. The real victory, however, will not be measured in resignations or ruined buildings, but in whether this spirit and refusal to compromise can be sustained.

Nepal has been here before. My sincerest hope is that we won’t circle back again this time. I hope these scars will represent more than wounds—that they will also become lessons. The future now rests with those who grew up in the digital age, armed not with fear but with information. If they can hold on to their fire, perhaps these scars will mark not another false dawn, but the beginning of something to last.

Because sometimes, upheaval is the only way forward. And sometimes, victory looks like scars.

Roads and historic buildings near Singha Durbar, Nepal’s main administrative centre. During this time, rumours were spreading that Oli and other ministers were attempting to flee the country.
Near the historic Patan Durbar Square, a mural by the artists’ collective Kaalo 101 stands in honour of the protesters killed by police on the first day of the uprising.
A candlelight vigil in Maitighar commemorates martyrs lost during the protests. This is where the protests began on 8 September.
There was a whirlwind of emotions after the revolution—despair, anger, hope, frustration. The ensuing lawlessness and anarchy left me with a sense of hopelessness deeper than any I’d known
On the banks of the Bagmati River, within the sacred premises of Pashupatinath Temple, thousands attended the last rites of the protesters killed, paying their final tributes.
The killing of twenty-one protesters—mostly youths, some in school uniforms—during an attempt to storm parliament provoked fierce retaliation. The next day, an angry mob set fire to the federal parliament building.
Inside a torched government building.
A police station lies ransacked and torched. Such attacks on police infrastructure became a common response across Nepal following the killing of young protesters.
The interior of the federal parliament building in Baneshwor. This structure was originally a convention centre before being repurposed after the first Constituent Assembly elections in 2008
The Nepal Bar Association building near Singha Durbar, damaged by fire and declared unfit for operations, is seen here with onlookers assessing the damage.
The Supreme Court was set ablaze during the protests. This photo shows a cabinet of case file records inside the damaged court.
Glued to their phones, people shared updates as protests erupted. The movement, demanding an end to corruption and the ruling political hegemony, was sparked by the government’s ban on social media and its curtailment of free speech.
The inside of a police station in Gaushala, Kathmandu, where there was a standoff between an angry mob and the police on 9 September. Two protesters died during this incident
Mobs attacked police infrastructure in retaliation for the killings of young protesters. By 9 September, some 218 stations and offices had been vandalised or set on fire in Kathmandu alone
An abandoned placard from the 8 September protests, left behind after the police used force. Tens of thousands marched from Maitighar to Parliament that day
A child plays with government vehicles covered with tarpaulin sheets inside the Bar Association building. Most of the official vehicles were vandalised and torched by an angry mob.
The vehicles show marks and soot left by the fires.
This damaged windscreen belongs to one of the more than 1,000 government vehicles torched or vandalised during the uprising
Crows perch on the right annex of the federal parliament—a symbolic murder replacing those who ordered the use of lethal force against unarmed protesters.
The main hall of Nepal’s parliament, the very chamber where the nation’s future was decided, was rendered unrecognisable after protesters set it ablaze. The roof collapsed in the intense fire.
A wristband or necklace clings to a police barricade, a solitary trace of the protests near Kathmandu’s government complex.
A police officer guards Singha Durbar a week after the protests. For some, the building is a symbol of oppression; for others, it’s an integral piece of historical and cultural heritage.
Vandalised public property and a traffic signal sign stacked inside a government office.
A young person takes a selfie video outside the parliament building gate.
The government maintained that only rubber bullets were used, denying the use of live ammunition. However, evidence points to the contrary. An X-ray shows a survivor’s femur shattered by a bullet shot at close range
The federal parliament, lower house in Baneshwor bears the marks of the mob’s anger: vandalised walls and graffiti sprayed outside the main entrance, all from the second day of protests.
After Rasik Khatiwada, twenty-three, was killed, his grandfather checks his phone for news. “They all said it was a rubber bullet. It was not. My grandson’s head was broken; there was a hole.”
Pratish Shrestha was shot in the thigh while volunteering during the protests. After an operation at a Kathmandu hospital, he is pictured here with visiting relatives
The death of Gaurav Joshi, twenty-three, has devastated his family. Shot in the head by the police, Gaurav was preparing to go abroad for studies. He was his parents’ sole hope—his elderly father needs an operation and his mother is chronically ill

Robic Upadhayay is a Kathmandu-based visual storyteller who shoots films and photos, and occasionally writes words—because apparently one medium of existential struggle wasn’t enough.

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